Our Slave Heritage from the Marriage of William Anderson and Johanna Schonken . .

The “Free Black” progenitors of Johanna Maria Schonken (1777-1848) in the Dutch-governed Cape of Good Hope

By Allan H. Anderson1 - her great-great-great grandson

Introduction

Johanna Schonken, my generation’s great-great-great grandmother, was born in Stellenbosch in the Cape of Good Hope in the southern tip of Africa, and baptised on 27 July 1777.2 Her parents were Bartholomeus Schonken (sometimes spelled “Schonke”) (1739-1806) and Elisabeth Maria van Ellewe (1750-1845), who were married in 1765.3 We do not know anything about her early life, but on 17 August 1806 she married the London-born missionary William Anderson (1769-1852) in the Dutch Reformed Church in Cape Town.4 Afterwards she travelled with her husband, at first to work amongst the Griquas in Klaarwater, now Griquastad, north of the Orange River. The Griquas were a mixed race of people speaking Afrikaans and descended from imported slaves, the indigenous Khoikhoi and European settlers.

They had recently moved beyond the borders of the Cape Colony to rule themselves. Johanna’s background made her ideal for this work with her English husband, who had arrived in the Cape in 1800, only six years earlier. She moved with him in 1820 to be inside the Cape Colony, first at the mission at Zuurbraak and then in 1822 to minister at the Congregational Church in Pacaltsdorp, near present-day George in the Western Cape. There they remained for the rest of their lives, and both are buried in the church ground there.5 Under the apartheid government, Pacaltsdorpwas a so-called “Coloured” municipality.6 The Andersons built the first manse there, which is now a national monument. Johanna and William Anderson’s son Bartholomew E. Anderson (1819-1900) was also an LMS missionary at Pacaltsdorp, later at Dysseldorp and Oudtshoorn. His son Ebenezer T. Anderson (1851-1921) was a magistrate and one of our four great-grandfathers. His son William Wardlaw Anderson (my paternal grandfather), was born in Cape Town and was an LMS.

Page 2 The “Free Black” progenitors of Johanna Maria Schonken (1777-1848)

 missionary in Zimbabwe. Most of the Anderson marriages that took place in the 19th century Cape were with European families, and our grandmother Sheila (Blyth) Anderson was of Scottish, English and Afrikaner descent.

This essay is not about William Anderson, on whom much has already been written.7 Instead, it focusses on the Schonke/n progenitors of Johanna Anderson and the convincing evidence from the Cape archives that they were from the Cape’s mixed-race, “free black” community. This evidence is presented particularly by looking at the background of some of our (many times) great-grandmothers, some of whom were freed slaves. The Schonke/n family ancestors are at the beginnings of settler and slave communities in the Cape, which was governed by the Dutch East India Company (hereafter VOC)8 from Cape Town’s inception in 1652 to the handover to Britain in 1795. In 1800, the Cape had only just become British, taking over administration from the Dutch, with a brief return to the Dutch Batavian Republic in 1803-04. Both Johanna’s paternal and maternal grandparents were descended from those who had been in the Cape since the seventeenth century.

Slavery and “Free Blacks” in the Early Cape

The VOC kept meticulous records of the names of every citizen (burgher), the employees of the company, and the slaves. I have had access to the VOC lists and church archives of that period online, which together with background information from social historians forms the basis for this essay. Malherbe explains that the VOC lists, even when they only give names, are important, because “reconstituting families formed by slaves, freed slaves, and the white or ‘mixed race’ underclass presents many challenges”.9 The traces of Asian and African DNA of contemporary descendants of the Andersons come from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries’ Cape population. Slavery was practised in the Cape until 1838, when it was banned throughout the British Empire. It was considered essential for the economy of the Cape, and in Cape Town the slave population was greater than that of the settlersthroughout the eighteenth century. Most of the slaves taken to the Cape originated in Madagascar and Asia, mainly in what are today India and Indonesia.

As we will see, the “free blacks” were overwhelmingly of Asian and mixed descent. This may account for why the Anderson descendants have significantly more Asian DNA than African.10

Page 3 The “Free Black” progenitors of Johanna Maria Schonken (1777-1848)

 Malherbe writes that freed slaves were “known at the Cape as the vryswarte or ‘free blacks,’ and their descendants” are named with the toponyms, mostly van de Kaap {“from the Cape”). Van de Kaap in the records “signified a Cape-born slave or free black”. 11 The Dutch Reformed Church records distinguished between van de Kaap and van de Kaap de Goede Hoop: “the latter referring to persons deemed to be of European/Christian ancestry”.12 The Free Blacks were a distinct community in the Cape “the vast majority” consisting of “ex-slaves or their descendants”.13

Vryswarte were seldom Africans; nearly all of them were of Asian descent, as only a very small number of African slaves were freed in the eighteenth century.14 Worden shows that “during the whole of the eighteenth century” “less than 2%” of freed slaves “were African, just over 50% were Cape-born, and the remainder were Indian or Indonesian”.15 These slaves were given European names by their masters, and “whether slave or free, of African, Malagasy, Indian or Indonesian origin were all zwarten (blacks). …Slaves freed at the Cape became vrijzwarten (free-blacks). Further definition in racial terms was not needed”.16 The ethnic composition of the Free Blacks was “an overwhelming number of Asians divided about equally between persons from modern India (chiefly Bengalis) and persons from modern Indonesia … with only a smattering of Africans, Madagascans and Chinese exconvicts”.17 So, the Free Blacks were mostly Asian slaves who had been freed and their descendants. They were not given burgher status and remained a somewhat marginalised community in Cape colonial society.18 Burman and van der Spuy note that by 1713 there were more slaves than colonists in the Cape, and the result was an increase in “intermixture”.19 Malherbe writes that by the early 1770s there were 350 Free Blacks in Cape Town who formed 15-20 percent of the town’s burghers (free citizens).20 Elphick and Shell define Free Blacks as understood in the VOC period as “all free persons wholly or partially of African (but not Khoikhoi) or Asian descent”.21 Nearly all the vryswarte were of Asian origin.22 Similarly, the Camissa Museum states that “Free Blackswere recorded as a

Page 4 The “Free Black” progenitors of Johanna Maria Schonken (1777-1848)

 separate category of the population” until the 1830s.23 A VOC proclamation in 1752 that Free Blacks must pay taxes was “on the grounds that they enjoyed ‘all privileges and rights of burghers’”.24 Free Blacks also had access to all the activities and ceremonies of the church, and we know that by 1827, Free Blacks comprised about a quarter of the urban Cape population.25

Guelke states that European-born men who greatly outnumbered women in the early Cape “had great difficulty finding marriage partners”.26 One solution was that “the shortage of European women enabled Free Black women to marry Europenas and thereby acquire wealth and status”.27 Legal marriages could only be conducted in the DRC (Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk) of couples baptised in that church. Only in 1779 were Lutherans allowed to conduct marriages.28 Slaves were regarded as non-persons and therefore could not marry unless they had been baptized in the DRC. As a result of all these factors, when European settlers wanted to marry slaves or vryswarte, they were unable to do so unless these conditions were met, and so “concubinage and fornication were rife”.29 The Camissa Museum states:

Being Christian was considered synonymous with being European, so baptism into Christianity offered a path to ‘passing for white’ for persons of colour. In this way a significant number of persons of colour assimilated intowhite society over time as a means of attaining upward social mobility. While most Free Blacks would ultimately be classified as ‘Coloured,’ some Free Blacks gradually also assimilated into the European or ‘White’ community.30

Slavery in the Cape was more common in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries than it was in the nineteenth century, when it was banned in the western world. Intermarriage and (illegitimate) intermixing between white settlers and slaves was also more common, whether solemnised in the DRC or not. The Cape’s economy was so heavily dependent on slaves that it became a slave economy almost from the start. By 1713 the slave population outnumbered that of the settlers and “the intermixture of the peoples at the Cape increased”.31 By the end of that century there were still greater numbers of slaves at the Cape than settlers. It has been estimated that over 40,000 slaves were brought to the Cape from Asia (mainly from India, Sri Lanka and Indonesia), and about the same number from Madagascar, with not as 23 Camissa Museum (https://camissamuseum.co.za/index.php), accessed 4 July 2022.

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many from other parts of Africa.32 The VOC records, even the muster lists of free burghers (citizens) and Free Blacks, abound with such toponyms as “from Bengal”, “from Makassar”, “from Ceylon”, “from Madagascar”, “from Guinea”, and so on.

Johanna’s Paternal Ancestors

Johanna Schonken’s father Bartholomeus Schonken (1739-1806), hereafter the younger Bartholomeus, was born in Cape Town.33 Her paternal grandparents were Bartholomeus Schonke (1703-1774) and Leonora Claasz (van de Caap), possibly born in 1698. Leonora’s “van de Caap” designation in official records was the standard phrase used which indicated that the person was either a freed slave or a “Free Black” (“vryswarte”). Bartholomeus Schonken (senior), who in the records is usually “Schonke”, worked on the ships of the VOC, arrived at the Cape on 15 May 1723 on the Zoetelingskerke as a bosschieter (arquebusier), and was promoted to quartermaster in 1729.34 He was from Venlo, in the south-eastern Netherlands near the German border. He was awarded a vrybrief [“freedom letter”] on about 21 July 1733, which confirmed that he had been in the employ of the VOC for a decade, then becoming a burgher.35 A vrybrief was the release document awarded to VOC employees who wished to become burghers. In that same year, on 30 August 1733, he married Leonora Claasz,36 whose name is spelt variously as neither she nor her husband could write. The original Dutch record in the church registry reads:

Bartholomeus Schonke van Venlo, burger alhier jongman, met Leonora Claasz: van de Caap.37 [translations in the footnotes]38 Slaves were not allowed to marry, so Leonora would have been a freed slave by 1733 and was born in the Cape. We don’t know who her parents were. Malherbe points out that “Importantly, legitimation [of the children] by the parents’ marriage subsequent to an out-of-wedlock birth was recognized by the Roman-Dutch law”.39

Bartholomeus and Leonora had two children before they were married: Arnoldus, born in 1730, and Catherina, in 1732. Both are recorded in the church baptism registers where both parents are named, but only Leonora is present in the church.This may indicate that the older Schonken was not a church member at this time:

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 Den 20 Augustus [1730]. Arnoldus, (on echt) de moeder is Leonora Claesz, de zoogezegde vader is Bartholomeus Schonke, de getuijge is 't kints moeder.40 Den 30 Maart [1732]. Catharina, (on echt) de vaeder BartholomeusSchonke, de moeder en getuijge, Leonora Claesz.41 Arnoldus was named after Bartholomeus’ father. His other son, Johanna’s father,was born in 1739, and his baptism is recorded on 8 November 1739:

Den 8 dito [November]. Bartholomeus, de ouders Bartholomeus Schonke, en Leonora Claesze, de getuijge Izaek Sultania met Amelia Gaerden.42 Leonora may have been a slave in Cape Town until she was 30, for in 1728 there is a court record of an application for a manumission (freedom order), with a précis of the record in English: Leonora [original: “Leonora van de Caab”], a female slave for thirty years, asks her freedom, 1727-8, and offers in exchange for herself, a strong male slave (No.71).43

 A VOC slave had to present another slave in exchange for her freedom. Having no possessions, this replacement would have to come from a burgher’s slave. If Leonora was already in relationship with Bartholomeus in 1727 (as was likely), the exchange slave would have come from him. This Leonora would have been born around 1698 and would be about five years older than her future husband. Worden states that “it was an accepted prerequisite of manumission that a slave should be baptised, speakgood Dutch and have a guarantor who would pay the Poor Fund”.44 The originalm VOC record states that she had already been baptised and was fluent in “de Nederduijtsche taal” (the Dutch language). Slaves belonging to the VOC were regularly baptised, often as the first step towards freedom. Only her mother’s name was recorded, “Lijs”,45 and it is possible that she added the surname Claasz aftermanumission. Johanna’s grandmother Leonora would need to have been free by 1730 to have her first child baptised. 

There was probably some marginalisation and discrimination against the Schonken children, as there was against the children of Free Blacks in the Cape generally. They were not considered full citizens, although they had been given freedom from slavery.46 Worden gives the example of a burgher who had lawfully married a Free

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Black and who protested to the Council in 1790 that “his half-caste son had been refused admission to the burgher corps… and the social status of his children thus depended on ‘the whim of my fellow burghers’”.47 

One final point on Johanna’s paternal grandparents is that Bartholomeus’s will is found in an online 1775 record named “Slave Wills and Testaments 1686-1793”. He was a servant of the VOC and then a free burgher, and not a slave. Apart from the fact that a slave would have no possessions, this mystery might be explained if the record title was incorrectly translated and is more accurately phrased “Wills pertaining to Slaves 1686-1793”.48 This would mean that the older Bartholomeus referred to slaves in his will. Like most Cape burghers at that time, he was probably a slave owner, which enabled him to provide an exchange for Leonora. That will remains elusive, so its provisions are a mystery.  

From all this detail, the Schonken family were Dutch-speaking descendants of vryswarte, among other European ancestors. The parents and grandparents of Johanna Anderson were as follows: 

JOHANNA SCHONKEN (1777-1848) m. WILLIAM ANDERSON (1769-1852)

Johanna’s mother, Maria van Ellewe (above), married the younger Schonken on 10 November 1765. The marriage record shows that she also was a Free Black: Den 10 November Bartholomeus Schonke de jonge, van Cabo de Goede Hoop Burger alhier Jongman, met Maria Elisabeth van Ellewe van Cabo voornoemd Jonge Dogter.49

 The key words are “van Cabo” (the old Portuguese spelling of “Kaap”), which is distinguished from “Cabo de Goede Hoop” and indicates that Johanna’s mother

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belonged to the free black community, although Bartholomeus, whose mother was a freed slave, is a burgher and considered to be of European ancestry through hisfather. There were no race restrictions on who could become a citizen under the VOC in eighteenth century Cape Town, unless of course, they were slaves. Maria van Ellewe’s parents and Johanna’s maternal grandparents were Hendrik Roedolf van Ellewe (1729-67) and Elisabeth Catherina Esterhuisen (1733-83). Hendrik’s mother was Maria du Plessis (1702-61), who was born in Cape Town. Her father was a physician, Jean Prieur du Plessis (1638-1706), one of the early French Huguenot settlers in the Cape, from Poitiers in western France. Johanna’s grandmother Elisabeth Esterhuisen was the daughter of Jan Andries Esterhuisen (1704-83) and Appolonia Evertsz (1706-60), who were both born in Stellenbosch. Appolonia’s father, Abraham Evertsz (1678-1712), was from Middelburg in Zeeland, Netherlands. He arrived in the Cape around 1692, as the following year he appears in the muster rolls for the Stellenbosch district for the first time.50 He married Catharina le Febre (1688-1760) in 1700 and Appolonia may have been their only child. The churchmarriage register also states that Catharina was “van de Caab”.51 Catharina’s parentswere Pierre le Fèvre (c.1650-c.1690) and Maria de Grave (c.1668-1730). Her father was a Huguenot who arrived in the Cape in the 1670s and her mother may have been a freed slave, which would account for her daughter’s “van de Caab” toponym.

Abraham Evertsz died before the 1712 census, as “Catherina La Febre” is listed as his widow.52 She marries again to Christoffel Smit in 1721 and has other children. Elisabeth Esterhuisen’s paternal grandmother was Elisabeth Beijer or Beyers (1683-1726), whose father was Andries Beier or Beijer (1654-1700), who arrived in the Cape as a soldier in 1672. According to the Cape muster rolls, Elisabeth Beijer’s mother is “Catrina van de Caab”, so was also a Free Black. In 1683 Catrina asked for her freedom from slavery on the grounds that she had been “procured” by a European man and had reached a “competent” age.53 Her daughter Elisabeth was born that year. In 1693 the Beijer family had seven children and lived in the Stellenbosch district.54 There are at least six references to this family in the records, and Catrina (sometimes Catarina) is constantly given the suffix “van de Kaap”.55 According toone source, Catrina’s mother “was most likely one of the slaves brought to the Cape on the Amersfoort in 1858” and was from Angola.56 We see from all this information  that European men who had migrated to the Cape often took slave women or Free Blacks as their spouses. 

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The lineage of Elizabeth Esterhuisen, one of my 5x great grandmothers, is as follows:

ELISABETH ESTERHUISEN (1733-83) m. HENDRIK VAN ELLEWEE (1729-67)

  1. Elisabeth’s parents: JAN ANDRIES ESTERHUISEN (1704-83) & APPOLONIA EVERTS (1706-60)
  2. Jan Andries’ parents: CHRISTOFFEL ESTERHUIJS (1675-1724) & ELISABETH BEIJERS (1683-1726)
  3. Appolonia’s parents: ABRAHAM EVERTS (1678-1712) & CATHERINA LE FEBRE (VAN DE KAAP) (1688-1760)
  4. Elisabeth Beijer’s Parents: ANDRIES BEIJER (c.1650-1700) & CATRINA (VAN DE KAAP) (c.1658-?)

 

Conclusion

 These records provide compelling evidence that my 3x great-grandmother Johanna Schonken was the product of a mixed heritage, with European, Asian, African, slave and free ancestors. Her immediate family, including her parents and at least two of her four grandparents, were members of the mixed-race community in the Cape, with roots going back to the first arrivals in Cape Town. This provides some explanation for the Asian and African DNA that are found in the Anderson descendants. But as others have already pointed out, anyone who has Afrikanerancestors, particularly with roots back to the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century beginnings of colonisation in the Cape, has progenitors that were not all Europeans.

It is ironic that the very people who originated the pernicious doctrine of apartheid are themselves the product of racial mixing in the early Cape. Our ancestors who are not Europeans are as much responsible for our existence as our European ancestors are. Without these silent and suffering witnesses, we simply would not be.

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References

1 Allan Heaton Anderson is Emeritus Professor in the School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion at the University of Birmingham.

2 C.C. de Villiers & C. Pama, Geslagsregisters van die ou Kaapse families. Deel twee, N-Z. Cape Town: Balkema, 1981, pp. 858-859.

3 Cape Town Marriages. 1765, p.27. https://www.eggsa.org/sarecords/index.php/church-registers/cape-townmarriages-1757-1803/383-cape-town-marriages-1765, accessed 20 August 2022.

4 C.G. Botha, “Extracts of Marriages at the Cape of Good Hope, 1806-1821”, extracted from The Genealogist 30, Supplement 11, 1913-16, p.2.

5 A full, historically-based biography of William and Johanna Anderson has been written by my cousin: Peter S. Anderson, Weapons of Peace: The Story of William and Johanna Anderson. 2nd Ed. Singapore: Our Daily Bread Ministries, 2016.

6 The term “Coloured” only began to be used in the nineteenth century to describe people of mixed race.

7 John Bond, They were South Africans (Oxford University Press, 1956), pp.46-60, 79-85; P.S. Anderson, Weapons of Peace.

8 VOC is from the Dutch “Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie”.

9 Vertrees C. Malherbe, “Illegitimacy and Family Formation in Colonial Cape Town, to c.1850”. Journal of Social History 39:4 (2006), 1153-1176, p.1153.

10 Recent DNA results from the two of my father’s sisters still living reveal that they have 1.5% and 1% African DNA, and 7% and 3% Asian DNA respectively. Two of my paternal first cousins who mother is from an Afrikaner background have 2% and 4% African and 7% and 5% Asian DNA respectively.

11 Malherbe, “Illegitimacy”, p.1162. 12 V.C. Malherbe, “Baptism and Identity Creation at the Cape of Good Hope, 1665 to 1840”,http://academic.sun.ac.za/history/news/malherbe_vc.pdf

13 Richard Elphick & Robert Shell, “Intergroup Relations: Khoikhoi, Settlers, Slaves and Free Blacks 1652-1795”, in Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840. 2nd ed.Wesleyan University Press, 1989, 184-239, p.216.

14 Malherbe, “Illegitimacy”, p.1163.

15 Nigel Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa. Cambridge University Press, 1985, p.144.

16 James C. Armstrong & Nigel A. Worden, “The Slaves 1652-1834”, in Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840. 2nd ed. Wesleyan University Press, 1989, 109-183, p.122.

17 Elphick & Shell, “Intergroup Relations”, p.219.

18 Worden, Slavery, p.146.

19 Sandra Burman & Patricia van der Spuy, “The Illegitimate and the Illegal in a South African City: The Effects of Apartheid on Births out of Wedlock”, Journal of Social History 29:3 (1996), 613-635, p.613.

20 Malherbe, “Illegitimacy”, p.1163.

21 Elphick & Shell, “Intergroup Relations”, p.239.

22 Here we use the modern Afrikaans spellings of vryswarte and van de Kaap.

24 Elphick & Shell, “Intergroup Relations”, p.216.

25 Elphick & Shell, “Intergroup Relations”, p.218.

26 Leonard Guelke, “The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population: Cape Colony 1657-1750”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 21:3 (1988), 453-473, p.463.

27 Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee, “The Origins and Entrenchment of European Dominance at the Cape 1652-c.1840”, in Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society 1652- 1840. 2nd ed. Wesleyan University Press, 1989, 521-558, p.532.

28 Malherbe, “Illegitimacy”, p.1154.

29 Guelke, “The Anatomy”, p.463.

30 Camissa Museum.

31 Burman & van der Spuy, “The Illegitimate”, p.613.

32 Camissa Museum.

33 Cape Town Baptisms, 1738, p.115. (http://www.eggsa.org/sarecords/, accessed 13 August 2022).

34 H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Requesten (Memorials), vol. 3 (Cape Town: W.A. Richards & Sons, 1896), p. 1054.

35 A.J. Böeseken & G.C. de Wet, Resolusies van die Politiek Raad, deel 8, 1729-1734, p. 300, footnote 176, citing C113, Klad Notulen, 1717-1738, p. 339.

36 Dutch practice was for a married woman to retain her maiden name, while the children took the surname of their father.

37 Sometimes the Cape (Kaap) was spelt “Cabo”, “Caab” or “Caap”.

38 Cape Town Marriages, 1733, p.27. (http://www.eggsa.org/sarecords/, accessed 13 August 2022).

“Bartholomeus Schonke from Venlo, citizen here a young man, with Leonora Claasz: from the Cape”.

39 Malherbe, “Illegitimacy”, p.1154.

40 Cape Baptisms, 1730. p.56. (http://www.eggsa.org/sarecords/, accessed 13 August 2022). “20 August.Arnoldus, (truly) the mother is Leonora Claesz, the reputed father is Bartholomeus Schonke, the witness is the child’s mother”.

41 Cape Baptisms, 1732. p. 70. “30 March. Catherina (truly) the father Bartholomeus Schonke, the mother and witness, Leonora Claesz”.

42 Cape Town Baptisms, 1739, p.128. “Bartholomeus, the parents Bartholomeus Schonke and Leonora Claesze, the witness Izaek Sultania with Amelia Gaerden”.

43 H.C.V. Leibbrandt, Requesten (Memorials), vol. 2 (Cape Town: W.A. Richards & Sons, 1896), p. 669.

44 Worden, Slavery, p. 143.

45 James Armstrong, transcriber, & Robert C.H. Shell, The Lodge Censuses, 28 February 1727.

46 Elphick & Giliomee, “The Origins and Entrenchment”, pp.543-546.

47 Worden, Slavery, p. 147.

48 Correspondence with James Armstrong, 14 August 2022. The record was found at Ancestry.com. SouthAfrica, Slaves and Free Blacks Records Index, 1658-1835.

https://www.ancestry.co.uk/search/collections/61329/, accessed 20 August 2022

49 Cape Town Marriages, 1765, p.27. “Bartholomeus Schonke, here the younger, from the Cape of Good Hope, citizen, here a young man, with Maria Elisabeth van Ellewe from the Cape aforementioned young daughter”.

50 Cape Muster Rolls, “Free Men, Stellenbosch”, 1693, p.128; 1695, p.142; 1702-11, various pp.

51 South Africa, Dutch Reformed Church Registers, 1660-1970," index and images, FamilySearch https://www.familysearch.org/a orrk:/61903/3:1:S3HT-6LX3-KW8?i=1&wc=M6GWYM9%

3A49605401%2C49605402%2C50282101%2C50492501&cc=1478678, accessed 22 August 2022.

52 Cape Muster Rolls, “Free Men, Stellenbosch”, 1712, p.247.

53 Delia Robertson. The First Fifty Years Project. http://www.e-family.co.za/ffy/g6/p6858.htm, accessed 25 August 2022.

54 Cape Muster Rolls, “Free Men, Stellenbosch”, 1693, p.125.

55 Cape Baptisms, 1683, p.28; 1685, p.30; 1690, p.40; Cape Muster Rolls, “Free Men, Stellenbosch”, 1692, p.118; 1693, p.125; 1695, p.142.

56 Delia Robertson. The First Fifty Years Project. http://www.e-family.co.za/ffy/g6/p6858.htm, accessed 20August 2022.

Page 10 The “Free Black” progenitors of Johanna Maria Schonken (1777-1848)

 Anderson, Peter S. Weapons of Peace: The Story of William and Johanna Anderson. 2nd Ed. Singapore: Our Daily Bread Ministries, 2016.

Armstrong, James C. & Nigel A. Worden, “The Slaves 1652-1834”, in Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840. 2nd ed. Wesleyan University Press, 1989, 109-183.

Böeseken, A.J. & G.C. de Wet, Resolusies van die Politiek Raad, deel 8, 1729-1734.

Bond, John, They were South Africans (Oxford University Press, 1956

Botha, C.G. “Extracts of Marriages at the Cape of Good Hope, 1806-1821”, extracted from The Genealogist 30, Supplement 11, 1913-16, p.2.

Burman, Sandra & Patricia van der Spuy, “The Illegitimate and the Illegal in a South African City: The Effects of Apartheid on Births out of Wedlock”, Journal of Social History 29:3 (1996), 613-635.

Camissa Museum (https://camissamuseum.co.za/index.php)

de Villiers, C.C. & C. Pama, Geslagsregisters van die ou Kaapse families. Deel twee, N-Z. Cape Town: Balkema, 1981, pp. 858-859.

Elphick, Richard & Hermann Giliomee (eds.), The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840. 2nd ed. Wesleyan University Press, 1989.

Guelke, Leonard, “The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population: Cape Colony 1657- 1750”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies 21:3 (1988), 453-473.

Leibbrandt, H.C.V. Requesten (Memorials), vols. 2 & 3 (Cape Town: W.A. Richards & Sons, 1896).

Malherbe, Vertrees C. “Illegitimacy and Family Formation in Colonial Cape Town, to c.1850”. Journal of Social History 39:4 (2006), 1153-1176.

Malherbe, V.C. “Baptism and Identity Creation at the Cape of Good Hope, 1665 to1840”, http://academic.sun.ac.za/history/news/malherbe_vc.pdf

Robertson, Delia. The First Fifty Years Project. http://www.efamily.

co.za/ffy/g6/p6858.htm.

Worden, Nigel, Slavery in Dutch South Africa. Cambridge University Press, 1985.

1 Allan Heaton Anderson is Emeritus Professor in the School of Philosophy, Theology and Religion at the University of Birmingham.